Showing posts with label Sunday Magazine Feature. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Sunday Magazine Feature. Show all posts

11 Jul 2011

Celebrating Vaisakhi at Ram Thamman

Published: July 3, 2011
Maut ka Kuwaan
All the eunuchs or Khwaja Siras walk into the arena called the Maut ka Kuwaan or ‘the well of death’. With vibrantly painted faces, blow-dried hair and brightly coloured shalwar kameez, the eunuchs dance in the well as the daredevil rides around the flimsily put together wooden wall on a motorbike.
The daredevil, Muneer Ahmad, doesn’t fit my definition of a stuntman — since I would imagine a stuntman to look like the character played by Nicolas Cage in the Hollywood thriller, The Ghost Rider. He isn’t anything like the riders that take up dangerous feats on AXN either. Ahmad is skinny to the point of appearing emaciated. His face shows signs of aging — a probable side effect of smoking hashish. He wears his silky black hair like Waheed Murad, the iconic Pakistani film actor from the ‘70s. He has a thick, short beard and wears a greyish, baggy shalwar kameez as he enters through the well’s tiny door in a stoop. His unbuttoned shirt demonstrates his manliness. He carries a lit cigarette in his mouth and I think to myself that he must enter with one each time to appear dramatic. He doesn’t smoke Marlboros but is the quintessential Marlboro man, an inspiration for the crowd.
The audience stands on a circular platform built on the outer-wall of the well. A blue tent covers them from the not so comfortable mid-April sun. There is not a single woman in the crowd, except my photographer friend Maryam Altaf. The rest are teenagers flirting with the eunuchs. The Khwaja Siras, with their bold overtures, provocative dressing, and with half their black brassieres visible through their low necklines, provide the young village men with the only time in their lives when their obnoxious sexual remarks are met with an appreciative response — if not a much more flirtatious answer and gesture. These young men throw in notes of five and 10 rupees to these dancing actors who clumsily place them in their cleavages. They often wink at their admirer, blow him a flying kiss and sometimes even gesture for him to meet them outside after the performance, while sexually provocative Punjabi songs blare from speakers placed atop the bamboo that supports the canopy. Like Ahmad, our Malboro man, the eunuchs too perform this act a dozen times throughout the day. By the time we reached it was 3 pm and one could sense the exhaustion in their steps.
This is the annual festival of Vaisakhi, arranged at the village of Ram Thamman, in April. On our way here ,we stop at a small stall selling one-liner stickers. ‘Haran de, rasta le,’ ‘Ma ki dua, jannat ki hawa,’ ‘Jalne wale, tera mun kala,’ read a few of them. The road from the neighbouring village of Kala Kharu to Ram Thamman is covered with various stalls on both sides. Posters of Shahid Afridi, Kareeena Kapoor, and Ajay Devgan are displayed on the stalls along with other Bollywood and Pakistani cricketing stars.
Meanwhile, Ahmad the daredevil picks up his mountain motorbike resting on the well’s wall — both their meagre weights crucial for the balance of the centripetal and centrifugal forces. The bike doesn’t start immediately. A man who looks like a junkie with a shaved head and unshaved beard offers to push it. At first Ahmad rebukes him, gesturing for him to go away. But the man is persistent and keeps on assisting.
With a slight push, the bike starts; the engine begins to roar and a cloud of grey smoke momentarily hides the stuntman. Before you know it, the entire structure begins to vibrate with the movement of the bike, which Ahmad rides vertically up and around the pit’s wall. Ahmad takes his hands off the handle and the bike continues to revolve uniformly. My jaw drops. A man extends a 10 rupee note from the crowd. Ahmad tries to grab it but fails. His bike dips a little, so he puts his hands back on the handle and is back in control. His third attempt results in success as he clutches the note, puts it in his mouth and lets go of the handles as his bike performs a victory lap. He then throws his collection into the air, and the junkie collects it at the bottom. Another man next to me extends a 10 rupee note which Ahmad manages to catch on his first attempt. The bike’s wheel misses the edge of the wall by about a foot. I wonder what direction Ahmad and the bike would take if they were to escape from the well.
The Maut ka Kuwaan, with its barely cloaked femininity — and the masculinity of the daredevil — is an essential feature of any village festival. Other must-haves are jumping pads, swings, ferris wheel and a pirate ship.
Spirituality plays an important role in South-Asian festivals and it sells. Babas calling themselves ‘Master of the Universe’, and ‘Curers of all diseases’ sit on roadsides, offering rings with different stones to sufferers. They also hang various lockets in a black thread, some read religious messages such as ‘Ya Ali’, while others are more secular like ‘Love’.
13th of April coincides with the 1st Vaisakh of the ‘Hindu’ Bikramjeet calendar. This marks the harvest season. The entire community celebrates what is popularly known as the Vaisakhi festival before the actual cutting begins. It is a time to mark the end of a successful farming season and the beginning of a new one. Pre-1947, there were many cities and villages where the Vaisakhi festival was celebrated on a large scale and Ram Thamman was one of them. According to the Intelligence Reports of Police found in the archive of Punjab Secretariat, about 35,000 people attended this festival in the year 1946, which was perhaps the last time this festival was celebrated at such a grand scale.
Munawar Bibi was an old woman from the village in her 70s whom I met in 2010 and who has since passed away. She had told me that before Partition, there used to be so many people attending the festival that some would stock up on their food and lock themselves in for three days to avoid the crowded streets. Ghulam Hussain, 85, used to visit this festival from Ferozpur District nearby. His grandfather, a Muslim, was a Sadhu at the temple of Ram Thamman. After partition he moved in with him, settling inside the temple. He told me that people from all over the country — including what is now India — used to come here to celebrate Vaisakhi. There used to be kabadi, traditional wrestling, and nautanki, folk theatre, full of music and dance. There were many more stalls in those days. “It was understood that if somebody was lost in the mela (festival), there was no point in looking for him/her,” he told me, while I interviewed him inside the smadh of Ram Thamman. He wore a red cloth with golden embroidery around his forehead. “We would already have this talk beforehand that if anyone of us got lost, we should meet up at a particular spot,” he added.
In the famous folk story of Punjab Heer-Waris — while describing the Barat of Heer — the author says: “Jevein log nigahein te raatan thaman dhol marde te rang lawande.” The mention of Thamman in the Heer-Waris portrays the significance of this festival in Punjab.
Published in The Express Tribune, Sunday Magazine, July 3rd, 2011.

A journalist in Pakistan: Living on the edge

Published: July 3, 2011
Journalists have the power to change perceptions. But when their work puts them in danger, it is society’s right to infomation which is really at risk.
The story is by now familiar: Syed Saleem Shahzad, Pakistan bureau chief of Asia Times Online, went missing on May 29th, on his way to participate in a television talk sthow in Islamabad. Two days after his abduction, his body was found at Mandi Bahauddin. Subsequently, the ISI was accused of complicity in his killing, which it promptly denied.
In the aftermath of 9/11, Pakistan has become a hotspot of global news, but while it may be “a good beat” for reporters, at the same time, the dangers it poses to them are grave: the government, militants, the military and intelligence agencies — it seems that journalists are up against them all. Shahzad’s murder puts the perils of being a journalist in Pakistan sharply into focus, but this isn’t the first time that a journalist has been in grave danger because of his job.
The curious case of Saleem Shahzad
A mild-mannered, soft-spoken person, Shahzad’s area of specialisation — international security and terrorism — led him to focus on Pakistan’s armed forces, the northern tribal belt, al Qaeda and the Taliban militancy. In 2011 Shahzad wrote a daring book, Inside al Qaeda and Taliban: Beyond Osama Bin Laden and 9/11.
I met him in January this year in Karachi and, while swapping views on the law and order situation, I asked if he felt under threat or surveillance for reporting so daringly on sensitive issues. “Oh, constantly,” was his prompt response. “I was abducted by the Taliban in 2006 in Afghanistan. I was shot last year here in Islamabad but survived, and I do receive threats from intelligence agencies and militants alike. But, you know, this is all part and parcel of journalism.”
Days before his murder, Shahzad wrote the first of a two-part report on the extent of al Qaeda’s infiltration in the lower ranks of Pakistan’s Navy. After his disappearance, the Human Rights Commission of Pakistan (HRCP) expressed concern and reported that he might have been abducted by a state agency. The commission’s statement said, “It has been suggested that Shahzad’s reporting after a terrorist attack on a navy aviation base in Karachi might have something to do with his abduction.” Other analysts too suspect the involvement of the state’s secret agency in the abduction and killing of Saleem Shahzad.
Of state and non-state threats
Shahzad’s case is unique in the sense that he was killed. Mohammad Rafique Baloch, is still alive, as is Umar Cheema, investigatvie reporter of The News.Both were allegedly abducted by intelligence agencies and tortured. Baloch, a Karachi-based journalist and vice president of Karachi Union of Journalists claimed that he was picked up by intelligence agencies to restrain him from appearing in a court hearing in a case about journalists’ wages.
“I was on my way to the Sindh High Court on March 21st at around 8 am when I was intercepted by plainclothes men,” recalls Baloch. “I was blindfolded and bundled into their vehicle. A 20-minute drive led us to a location where I was interrogated for almost four and a half hours. They constantly accused me of making derogatory remarks about the chief justice.”
While the interference of intelligence agencies to control and manoeuvre the message sent out by the media is not new, it has increased with the growth in the media industry.
“Intimidation is a threat that journalists encounter every day. Being on the frontline, they are soft targets,” says veteran journalist Qaiser Mehmood. According to him, there are three sources of threat: “State intimidation, intimidation by non-state actors, and even pressure from their own employer in the form of job insecurity. State intimidation can be resisted with protests but the graver threat emanates from non-state pressure groups.”
Political chaos, armed insurgencies led by Taliban militants in the North and Baluch separatists in the South, target killings in Karachi, and denial of access to the fields are only some of the challenges faced by journalists. As the room for reportage grows, so too does the imperative for strangling press freedom.
Dangerous liaisons — between political parties and journalists
Part of being a journalist is the responsibility of filing a great story without being intimidated by underlying threats. Danger is part of any story that is sensitive, controversial — and ultimately, worth being brought to the public’s attention. Wali Khan Babar, a reporter for Geo News, was onto just such a story at the time of his violent death in January. Shot five times at point-blank range while returning home from work, Babar, 28, covered an operation against a drug-peddler in the suburbs of Karachi that day.
His murder investigation led to nothing: in a press conference Karachi Police boasted of having arrested five men in connection with his murder. But there’s more to this case then just nabbing henchmen. Adil Jawad of Daily Express Newspaper gives a chilling account of how, one after another, four men, including two policemen, a brother of a police official and an informer, linked to the investigation were killed.
“The credit for the arrest of Wali Khan Babar’s killers goes to our government. Zulfiqar Mirza and I visited his family and promised to bring the culprits to task,” boasts Sharjeel Inam Memon, information minister of Sindh.
Babar was killed in Liaquatabad, a stronghold of the Mutahida Qaumi Movement (MQM) and thus the blame automatically fell on them. MQM rejects the accusation: “This is an absolutely absurd allegation!” says MQM MNA Waseem Akhter. “Why on earth would we kill him and that too in our own area?”
Zaman Ibrahim, crime reporter of a daily newspaper, was also killed in Karachi this year. Ibrahim was gunned down in Lyari, an area notorious for gang warfare. He was believed to have had close ties with the now defunct People’s Amn Committee (PAC) — an affiliate of the ruling Pakistan Peoples Party. PAC is accused of violent tactics and with no appropriate investigation from the police for his killing, it is clear that Ibrahim’s stories might have rubbed one of the rival gangs operating in the neighbourhood the wrong way.
Danger on the frontline
It is not just investigative crime reporters who face danger — on the frontline, reporters risk life and limb to get accurate news out. Amin Shah, a Karachi-based TV news reporter, was critically wounded in a bomb blast on Chehlum last year at Jinnah Hospital in Karachi that killed at least 34 people. “Moments before, a bus full of Shia mourners had been blown by a bomb. I was waiting for my beeper when I was shaken by another blast behind me. A fracture in my head caused internal bleeding in my brain and paralysed the right side of my body for quite some time,” recalls Shah.
Like other victims of the blast, Shah failed to receive the compensation of Rs300,000, that had been announced by the Sindh Government; the paperwork required to get the compensation defeated him. “I was treated at the Agha Khan Hospital for 18 days but for this treatment only Rs100,000 were paid by Jameel Soomro from Information Department. The rest of the money I arranged on my own,” says Shah.
“Loss of life or an injury can’t really be compensated with money — but it provides some relief to the victim and his family. As long as the state fails to provide compensation, it becomes the responsibility of media houses to safeguard their employees with a hazard fund,” says Mehmood.
How media houses can help — or not
Tahir Hasan Khan, the president of the Karachi Press Club, laments that while media-houses expect journalists to be professional, few measures are adopted to facilitate them. “While we expect the government to be indifferent to the challenges that journalists face, we imagine that media outlets will be different. Surprisingly, even media houses are more concerned about their equipment than they are about reporters who put their lives at stake. Channels reap the benefits of ‘breaking news’ in the form of high-ratings and revenues — all at the cost of reporters,” says Hasan Khan.
He believes that the pressure for more information from their organisations compels reporters to take unnecessary risks, instead of following safety precautions. Print and television crews are working at great personal risk in significant danger. But this surge in danger doesn’t seem compelling enough for Pakistani news organisations and media outlets to train journalists for conflict reporting. War and terrorism require a set of rules governing how reporting crews should cover different events: when a story is too dangerous to cover, how close should a reporter get to the frontline, for example?
Despite its growth, Pakistani media remains at a nascent stage when it comes to journalists’ safety and hiring responsible human resources. Unlike journalists from developed countries, where personal safety training is mandatory, Pakistani journalists with minimum or no training continue performing their duties, especially in the conflict-prone tribal belt. They draw lessons from the field instead.

Hall of shame
Constitutional protection and legal safeguards to counter the dangerous climate affecting press freedom are almost non-existent here and Pakistan ranks 10th on the Index of Impunity created by the Committee to Protect Journalists. On the other hand, on the worldwide index of press freedom, it ranks 159th. What contributes even more to the fear is the fact that culprits remain at large and unpunished in most cases. According to Reporters Without Borders, as many as 14 journalists were murdered across Pakistan in 2010, including the first quarter of 2011. The International Press Institute put the number at 16 — out of this total, 6 belonged to the volatile province of Balochistan. In January this year, Ilyas Nazar’s bullet-riddled body was found in Pidarak. Nazar was a local reporter for Baloch magazine Darwanth. He went missing for some time before being killed. Abdost Rind, associated with The Daily Eagle was shot dead in February in Turbat while returning home from work. In both cases, the killers remain unidentified.
Hasan Abbas, general secretary of Karachi Union of Journalists says, “We don’t want to take up arms — I am a journalist not a criminal. My weapon is my pen with which I fight back. I can’t think of killing, even in self-defense.”
“The question is whether you can actually stop intimidation with laws or not. There are common laws for threats to life and security of every citizen — we can’t ask for separate laws for journalists. ‘Intimidation’ is actually a mindset which needs to be altered,” says Mehmood.
Reality bites

Despite these stories, the former Inspector General of Police in Sindh, Fayyaz Leghari seems out of touch with reality. “I don’t have any specific reason to cite as to why journalists in Karachi have been targeted frequently, other than terrorism,” he says.
This response crystallises the state’s apathy to the unsafe environment in which journalists work. In the past ten years, risks have escalated for Pakistani journalists due to growing militancy and the involvement of armed forces to counter it. But the government claims that it is doing all it can to compensate journalists’ woes.
“Pakistan is a good beat,” said Peter Oborne, a journalist with the Daily Telegraph and a documentary reporter with Channel 4, during a visit to Karachi. But it is the very nature of Pakistan’s newsworthiness which has made it so dangerous.“The war on terror has made journalists here more vulnerable. We in the West recognise and appreciate the inspirational and courageous stand of Pakistani journalists.”
It is clear that conflict training of media practitioners is the need of the day. Training not only enhances the understanding of journalists about their roles, it boosts their confidence and encourages independent decision-making.
“To safeguard the lives of journalists is the state’s responsibility but it is a responsibility which media houses should share. The equation is: we protect you and you expose the real culprits by reporting with objectivity,” declares Sharjeel Memon.
Can we speak freely?
FREEDOM OF SPEECH & RIGHT TO INFORMATION
Article 19 of the Constitution of Pakistan enshrines every individual with freedom of speech and the right of information.
Article 19:
Freedom of Speech
“Every citizen shall have the right to freedom of speech and expression, and there shall be the freedom of press, subject to any reasonable restrictions imposed by law in the interest of the glory of Islam or the integrity, security or Defence of Pakistan or any part thereof, friendly relations with foreign states, public order, decency or morality, or in relation to contempt of court, (commission of) or incitement to an offence.”
Article 19.A:
Right to Information
“Every citizen shall have the right to have access to
information in all matters of public importance subject to regulation and reasonable restrictions imposed by law.”
Published in The Express Tribune, Sunday Magazine, July 3rd, 2011.

The Ambassador's collection: For the love of art

Published: July 10, 2011
Brazilian Ambassador Alfredo Leoni’s home in Islamabad is chock-full of treasures that would make an art fanatic’s head spin.
As you approach Ambassador Alfredo Leoni’s residence in Islamabad, the expansive facade gives you an inkling of what you’ll find inside. And as you cross the threshold and catch a glimpse of the two 17th century stone columns decorating the entrance, you know you’re about to meet a man deeply in love with the art world.
“As a collector it is emotion that excites me most,” says Leoni, seated in his elegant parlour. “I won’t buy anything that I don’t connect with. And with education, your taste becomes more accurate and you become deeply involved with the art world.”
Ambassador Leoni has been an avid collector of art and antiques for the last thirty years. He started collecting art when he was just 23; his first purchase was a work by Brazilian artist Siron Franco.
Here in Islamabad, his presumably modern house in the heart of Sector F-7/3 is furnished with pieces from George III and other Portuguese antiques that have made their way to Brazil and have had an influence on Brazilian furnishing.
Everywhere you look, there is something else to see. In the sitting room, the glass top of the coffee table rests on an Italian carved marble stand from the 14th century. Scattered on the coffee table and around the parlour are silver antiques from the 17th and 18th century.
The white upholstery in the room is modern and provides the perfect backdrop for all the art decorating the walls.
At first glance a lay person like me would have assumed that the plethora of rugs adorning the floors were of Persian origin, however I am soon informed that each piece is of 18th and 19th century Caucasian origin.
More so than the collection and the aesthetic appeal of the house- what is truly spectacular — is the homogeneity that ties each piece together. “All the art is Brazilian and even the antiques are selected with great care because I do not want my house to look like a clutter of random objects,” says Leoni.
For all his love of Braziliian art, what does Leoni think of Pakistani artists? Leoni says that since he loves to travel too, he finds it very difficult to buy artwork from wherever he happens to be living at the moment. A fervent lover of Ghulam Rasool Santosh’s art work, the collector shares close personal ties with the artist and also has respect for other Pakistani artists.
According to Ambassador Leoni, two of his favourite haunts  — the Tanzara Art Gallery and Khaas Art Gallery — are the most prominent galleries promoting modern art. “I am a modern art collector,” explains Leoni. “I would love to collect contemporary art but it is too expensive… so for now I am happy collecting modern art. There is no end to desire and even though each year I try to resist buying more, my love for art and antiques compels me to do so,” he adds.
His reason for collecting and displaying mainly Brazilian art is very simple: “I travel around the world, and this is my way of showing my culture to people from other areas. It is something different and new to experience.”
During his travels, he also remains committed to experiencing new art himself. In 2009, while based in Washington DC, Leoni travelled to New York to witness an exhibit of Pakistani artists at the Asia Society. “For me Lahore is the hub of modern art in Pakistan and the work that the artists have done there is not only exquisite but also very important,” he says.
To Ambassador Leoni, his collection is as close to him as his family. “In all my travels I have never felt lonely because I am always surrounded by items that mean a lot to me and I am emotionally attached to history. I don’t regret investing in these pieces at all,” he says. While he loves travelling to New York, London and Paris for cultural activities and to enjoy the theatre and opera, his soul is attached to the beach. “I grew up in Rio, so the expansiveness of the sea is embedded in my soul, and whenever I want to relax I run back to Brazil to enjoy the laidback culture and swim,” says the Ambassador.
As I poke around the house I find Brazilian sculptures depicting the seasons adorning a casual dining area, while another lounge exhibits more art work from Japanese, Brazilian and other renowned modern artists from the region. However, his formal dining area is what really gets my attention.
Decorated with crockery and cutlery from the Victorian era and original goblets from France, the table is set for a dinner later on in the evening. “Something unimportant can become very important because of the value we humans attach to it,” concludes Ambassador Leoni. “Taste and emotion are the origins of a collection and make me feel right at home regardless of where I am living.”
Published in The Express Tribune, Sunday Magazine, July 10th, 2011

I spy with my private-eye

Published: July 10, 2011
Pakistan’s first sleuthing house, Fact Finders, aims to satisfy your curiosity at all costs.
Fancy finding out what an ex-boyfriend is doing these days? Want to know whether your co-worker has really been stealing your ideas, or is just spookily telepathic? You may want to hire a private detective.
In real life private detectives and their sleuthing skills, while perpetually the subject of TV sitcoms and spy thrillers, go far beyond the glamour of Hollywood glitz. The business is a 24-hour a day, seven-days-a-week and 365 days a year run-a-round for detectives, but Pakistan’s first private detective company Fact Finders is determined to provide its services to discerning clients despite the cost.
Fact Finders is a detective company which aims to provide individualised services coupled with full confidentiality to all of its clients. These services purport to go far beyond digging up dirt on people and the company boasts a highly skilled team of professionals who tackle cases ranging from property theft to prospective and, of course, cheating spouses.
The company’s activities do not usually overlap with police operations and are mostly autonomous. “Fact Finders is not an agency working parallel to the police or any other law enforcement agency. We do not infringe upon their domain but we do assist them where required,” says Fact Finders executive Masood. He says that criminal cases are not really part and parcel of the company’s portfolio but that they were often available to gather evidence for a client in order to prove his or her case in court or before the authorities. “Our activities do assist in solidifying our client’s testimony. People come to us when they do not have enough material to resolve an issue before the police or when they want to settle the matter privately,” he says.
When people think of a ‘private security firm,’ the first thing that will come to mind is the extensive use of hi-tech gadgets — ear pieces, pens with micro phones, cameras concealed in buttonholes — the stuff of popular TV shows like “Alias”, or “24”. But these methods are rarely employed by detective agencies like Fact Finders, although the organisation does use generic snooping aids like cell phone cameras. “We use conventional methods,” says Masood. “Our area of work does not require much use of modern technology or devices for collection of information or evidence. It is mostly a paper trail.”
Perhaps this is also because Fact Finders staff say they are careful not to infringe on the legal and constitutional rights of the people who are subject to their investigation. “The information we gather is for our client’s eyes only,” Masood specifies.
But there are very few laws that directly relate to the right to privacy and penalties for infringement of such rights in Pakistan anyway. Perhaps the most relevant legislation is the Pakistan draft law on Data Protection framed on March 11, 2005, which is still being tweaked before it can be officially passed into law. This draft provides a framework to secure digital identity and relates to issues like identity theft. The only other similar legislation includes the Electronic Data Protection Act of 2005 and certain Pakistan Electronic Media Regulatory Authority (Pemra) laws. None of these, however, deal specifically with the violation of individual privacy.
Even in an international context, the sleuthing business has often been placed at the fringes of what is deemed ‘legal’ in technical terms. Private detectives are known to often work ‘around’ the authorities in order to get what the client needs. Fact finders, however, claims to generally operate within strictly defined guidelines. “I do not think there is any conflict with the private investigation business and privacy laws. We do not disturb or interrupt the privacy of any person; however, we keep our client informed, point out the wrongdoer’s actions and collect the facts,” says Masood. “We try our best to keep our proceedings absolutely confidential and the required information is provided only to the client. We are also registered with the Government of Pakistan under the required laws.”
Some of Lahore’s police officials seem to have a slightly different take on this business. “It is all well and good to claim that no privacy laws are being broken here, but the fact that someone is conducting surveillance and monitoring a person’s activities for financial gain is in itself a breach of privacy. Investigating on behalf of a ‘client’ is automatically a biased investigation because it assumes that the target is in the wrong. This isn’t like a police investigation where everyone is a fair target until proven guilty. Here the goal is to prove someone guilty,” says SP Cantt Police Naveed Ashraf.
On the other hand, sociologist Sadia Hayat says: “I don’t think there is anything wrong with [private investigations]. I mean, it’s not like the police conduct unbiased investigations, and as long as the record remains sealed I see no conflict of interest. Frankly, I know scores of women who actually would use this service to monitor the activities of their spouses if they weren’t scared of word getting out.”
Fact Finders looks for prospective private investigators through advertisements posted on its website, and the website: http://www.factfinders.com.pk details the company’s vast range of services. “Mostly, we look for people who have worked in the armed forces and police. They are disciplined and well groomed and already know how to collect information and gather evidence,” says Masood, adding: “We also have a clinical psychologist on board who provides counselling sessions to many of our clients during investigations.”
Fact Finders mostly deals with domestic cases including divorce investigations, child location, infidelity cases and pre-marital background checks. “Some of the other cases we tackle involve property disputes and vehicle recovery from banks. Most of our clients are wealthy or come from abroad,” Masood says.
At the end of the day, Fact Finders is a revolutionary idea for Pakistan. The company is unique and the service it offers, even more so. “It is a titillating idea, isn’t it? That you could pay to find out whatever you wanted to know about whomever you wish,” says prospective client Raheela Athar. Athar adds that she might just be giving Fact Finders a call this week in order to ‘dig up some dirt’ on her sister-in-law.
The only problem is her sister-in-law might well be entertaining the exact same thought.
Published in The Express Tribune, Sunday Magazine, July 10th, 2011

Make way for the super sleuth

Published: July 10, 2011
Rural detectives rely on little more than their well-honed sense of smell to track down criminal and settle disputes.
“We can sniff the criminal’s feet and locate him by that distinctive smell,” claims Abu Talib proudly. “I can judge the culprit’s age, sex and habits just by looking at the evidence and clues left behind by him at the crime scene.” This may sound like science fiction, but Abu Talib, and the villagers he works for, seems to have faith in these methods.
This is because Abu Talib is a well-known village detective or ‘khoji’. An elderly man, he says he has been a ‘detective’ in his village for the past 50 years. He lives on the outskirts of Multan and has been helping the police bring criminals to justice, using skills he claims to have perfected over time.
‘Detectives’ like Abu Talib are very commonly found in Punjabi villages. The origin of this profession can be traced back to the time the British ruled the subcontinent. Some legacies of the British are familiar — our Constitution, our education system and railway line. But some, like the tradition of hiring locals to help the police fight crime, are not so familiar. This system was put into place because of the wary disposition of the British, but worked well for both them and the locals; it provided employment opportunities to villagers and also helped the foreigners maintain law and order, because locals knew the customs and language better.
The issues these village detectives or ‘khojis’ cover range from petty crime to theft and murder. They are hired for surveillance purposes and function parallel to the police and the local justice system known as Panchayats. In the light of the ineffectiveness of the police and local system, where constant transfers leave officers in unfamiliar territory and where prejudice sometimes seeps into decisions made by the elders of the village, these locals come to the rescue.
These untrained sleuths claim they have developed amazing powers of detection and deduction. “By looking at an impression of a criminal’s fingers we can tell what their height and weight is, and make many informed predictions about their personality… and we only use our hands and fingers as measuring tools,” says Salman, who has been a local detective for the past thirty years. Despite having no formal education he has successfully helped the police convict many criminals.
Not only do ‘khojis’ track down offenders, they also monitor suspects on a daily basis before charging them for a particular crime and handing them over to the authorities. Ashtar Nakhe, who has been credited with helping the police find the culprits accused of cannibalism in Bhakkar recently, says: “My life revolves round my achievements and I’ve acquired a lot of prestige working alongside the district police. I take great pride in my profession.” He claims to have tracked down many robbers, dacoits, murderers and serial killers. He also says that people involved in grave robbing were eventually arrested by the police after he trailed the streets of Khawar Kalaan, trying to trace footprints left behind at the graves, and finally marked the culprit’s house for a police raid.
This profession does not come without drawbacks. The detectives complain about being paid poorly by the police for their services. They grudgingly agree to spy for a mere Rs500-3,000 per case. However, when hired by victims themselves they tend to pocket more money, sometimes around Rs5,000-10,000. Abu Talib, on the other hand, refuses to accept money from poor clients; he considers it his duty to solve their cases without any financial gain. Salman says the amount of money he charges depends on the financial background of his clients. The profession is also marked by others perils where the detectives sometimes invoke enmity among others.
The police seem to be all praises for these local heroes, as Mian Muhammad Javed, SP Multan, says: “We cannot deny their support and help in conducting inquiries. They may have no legal presence in the constitution but are valued detectives when it comes to investigating criminal activity in the villages.”
He adds that although these people have not been professionally trained in the field they resemble “James Bond”.
These rural detectives are sought after when the police fail to trace the real lawbreaker. Having spent their lives in the same village in which the offender probably also lives, they find it relatively easy to track down the criminal, or so they say.
And so ‘khojis’ like Abu Talib continue to snoop and sleuth, secure in the knowledge that the law won’t interfere in their activities. As the sun sets in this village near Multan, Abu Talib draws circles in the sand around a set of tracks. He claims he already knows who they belong to.
Published in The Express Tribune, Sunday Magazine, July 10th, 2011

The trials of tribal journalists

Published: July 3, 2011
“Please give up your job … it is so dangerous, I don’t want to see your wife widowed and your children orphaned. Look at what risky journalism did to us,” pleads the wife of slain tribal journalist Nasrullah Afridi.
On May 10, 2011, Afridi was killed when a bomb planted under his car exploded in Khyber super market in the Cantonment area in Peshawar. Afridi, 40, was reporting from Bara Tehsil Khyber Agency, and had been working for the Urdu-language paper the Daily Mashriq and for state-run television, since 2001.
Afridi had been threatened countless times, but he brushed away suggestions that he should leave the profession. “My father used to tell my mother: ‘I may leave you but I will never leave my job’,” says Afridi’s elder son, Ihsanullah. Ultimately, Afridi did leave his family for good, leaving behind a wife, three daughters and three sons, his mother, father and three sisters.
Afridi was not the only journalist in the tribal areas who had to frequently face threats. “My father often asks me to change jobs but the thrill of journalism prevents me from doing that,” says Noor Haleem, a reporter for an Urdu-language newspaper based in Khyber Agency.
“When I leave for work in the morning my wife advises me to stay away from the press club, she thinks it will be hit by militants at any time,” says journalist Mashtaram Khan from Mohmand Agency.
Since 2005 to date, nine journalists have lost their lives reporting from the tribal areas.
Warring tribes and militant groups have little tolerance for the media, and this is the reason that 30 per cent of tribal reporters out of 230 journalists registered as members of the Tribal Union of Journalists (TUJ) have chosen to flee and settle in districts of Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa, says TUJ president Safdar Hayat. He himself has migrated from North Waziristan to Peshawar and lives close to Afridi’s house in Hayatabad.
Hayat says that anyone who attempts to delve deep into militancy and military operations will ultimately be silenced. He adds that the death of Afridi in the highly protected cantonment area of Peshawar just adds to the insecurity journalists feel.
But how do journalists, in the process of seeking the truth, end up enmeshed in deadly activities in the first place?
In Afridi’s case, he had had an uneasy relationship with Khyber Agency-based banned outfit Lashkar-e-Islam, led by warlord Mangal Bagh, since its inception in 2006.
Back on February 24, 2006, Afridi and Khyal Math Shah (from the Daily Surkhab) reported that militants from Lashkar-e-Islam launched an assault against its rivals, led by Pir Saif-ur-Rehman. This enraged the founder of LI, Mufti Munir Shakir, who directed his followers through his illegal radio channel to boycott reading the Daily Mashriq and Daily Surkhab. He also banned sales of both papers in Bara tehsil, where the LI has established its own writ. Mufti branded the reporters ‘anti-Islamic’ and closed the petrol station Afridi owned.
He also told the reporters that unless they apologised for their reports, their papers would continue to be banned. The journalists ultimately capitulated and apologised to Mufti. The monitoring organisation Reporters Sans Frontiers protested against the incident and demanded that the government protect the journalists, but nothing came of this.
On the 16th of the following month, Afridi and Qazi Rauf published a story about a murder that the LI was allegedly responsible for, in their respective papers the Daily Mashriq and Daily Express. The story contradicted the LI’s claim that the deceased was a thief, which infuriated Mangal Bagh. Through a radio broadcast, he told the reporters he would attack their homes if they did not stop reporting against the banned organisation. So on March 17, the two journalists submitted a surety bond of Rs1 million through local councillor Haji Ikhtiar Shah, and said they would not file stories about the group any more. The media protested against this, but again, nothing came of their protests.
On May 21, 2006, The News published a story stating that one of Mangal Bagh’s sons was studying in a school run by the Frontier Corps inside Mehsud Scouts fort in Sordand area of Bara tehsil in Khyber Agency. The journalist who was associated with The News as a correspondent in Khyber Agency said the story irritated the then commandant of the Mehsud Scouts, Mehmood Raza Changezi, who shared the story with Mangal Bagh in a meeting on May 21, and told him that Afridi was behind the story. As a result, on May 22 Mangal Bagh issued a death warrant against Afridi through his illegal radio station, asking his militants to shoot Afridi wherever they found him.
At this time, Bagh also stated that Afridi’s petrol station should be closed for three years, and banned sales of the Daily Mashriq in the area for six months. This time, Afridi shifted his family from his hometown of Bara to Phase 6 in Hayatabad, Peshawar, in June 2006.
Then about a year later, on May 21, 2007, Afridi wrote a story alleging that LI militants had fired on security forces in Qamberabad area, injuring a police officer. LI rejected its involvement, and five days later a hand grenade was hurled into Afridi’s house in Peshawar.
After some time, Afridi bore the brunt of an attack on him by some fellow tribal journalists, who visited Tirah Valley in 2009 to see Mangal Bagh where they complained that Afridi was not following the LI’s orders, and they asked its chief to help make one of them a correspondent for The Daily Mashriq instead of Afridi.
The LI had also been blaming Afridi for siding with its archrival militant outfit, Ansarul Islam. His colleagues Sher Khan and Qazi Rauf from Khyber Agency disagree with this, saying that though Afridi had cordial relations with Ansarul Islam and he was a strong opponent of LI, he remained impartial while covering conflicts between the rivals. Afridi’s colleagues say that his main misstep was that he reported about the militant groups’ unlawful activities in an unbiased fashion.
On April 17, 2011, a press conference addressed by the leaders of Ansarul Islam was held in Peshawar in which they claimed that Mangal Bagh had fled to Afghanistan where he was working for anti-Pakistani forces. When this press conference was covered by local newspapers, Mangal Bagh was infuriated and thought the press conference had been organised by Afridi. He threatened Afridi through his shadow spokesman Muhammad Umer, say Afridi’s friends.
They say that colleagues and a Pakistani intelligence official had asked Afridi to lie low for a few months, but he didn’t take their concerns seriously. A month later, he was dead.
So far no militant group has claimed responsibility for his killing.
For journalists in tribal regions, self-censorship is the only way they can avoid the wrath of militant groups or state agencies. Those who do not practice self-censorship are in an extremely vulnerable position. “I have filed many stories which say things like, ‘unknown armed men kidnapped unknown persons and shifted them to an undisclosed location’ despite the fact that I knew the three Ws — who, what, when. But the parties involved do not want to be named,” says Safdar Hayat.
Hayat says that 80 per cent of tribal journalists are not paid by their respective media organisations, which contributes to the problem, and makes most of them morally corrupt or blackmailers. A lack of financial resources, education, training and tolerance on the part of security forces and militants were some of the main challenges for journalists covering the conflict in Fata, he adds. He says the law of Frontier Crimes Regulations and the non-extension of the Freedom of Information Act to Fata were the main hurdles in protecting journalists.
He says that tribal journalists are not aware of their own limitations or of national interest and this is why they become victims of the conflict in Fata. “So we request the ISI to give us an in-camera briefing like it gave to parliamentarians, which may help minimise threats to journalists,” he says.
Unfortunately for journalists like Nasrullah Afridi, it is already too late, and he has become another victim of a faceless criminal act.
Published in The Express Tribune, Sunday Magazine, July 3rd, 2011.

10 things I hate about simple girls

Published: May 8, 2011
The simpleton will say something as inane as, “I love my cat”
1.    Their perfect genes. While I have to put four layers of foundation, three coats of eyeliner, smear red lipstick and don dominatrix heels to make myself appear human, the simple girl will daintily walk in with not even a speck of makeup, wearing a crescent white shalwar kurta paired with flats and still get everyone’s attention.
2.    Their simple minds. While I pose thought-provoking questions about war and suicide bombings on my Facebook profile, the simpleton will say something as inane as, “I love my cat” and get 500 likes in a matter of seconds.
3.    The lack of emotional baggage. Simple girls hardly ever get manic depressive, aggressive, angry, suicidal or anxious. Have you heard any simple girl go through a messy breakup, an identity crises, a divorce or even a bad haircut?
4.    How they’re constantly serenaded by Lollywood, Bollywood and Hollywood! Case in point: “Bholi si surat”! Shahrukh Khan will never sing a song titled “Chalaak si madeup surat”!
5.    Their ability to find Mr Right before they even hit puberty — leaving us grappling with Mr Wrongs, stumbling into Mr Absolutely Incorrects and bumping time and again into thousands of Mr What a Horrible Mistake!
6.    The rishtas they get at every lunch, shaadi and dinner. . . they’ll even get a rishta on their way to the grocery store. How easily they win the praise of sasu maas around the world, friend’s parents, and even your own parents without having a single accomplishment under their belt is beyond my understanding!
7.    Their disdain for us. Simple girls will only befriend simple girls and treat the non-simple girl as the pariah.
8.    Their supernatural ability to have perfect hair despite the high humidity, walk gracefully without ever tripping on their face, have their clothes free of wrinkles all the time — and the sheer power of never dropping gravy on their white joras.
9.    The ridiculously perfect body image. While I fall victim to every trend, fad and diet, they’re happy with themselves just the way they are: not two inches slimmer, not one inch bigger!
10.   The ability to age gracefully. While we end up looking like the surgically enhanced and messed up carcass of Joan Rivers, they end up looking twenty years younger than their actual age. Yes, Mahnoor Baloch — I’m talking about you!
Published in The Express Tribune, Sunday Magazine, May 8th, 2011.